By Wednesday evening, the Egyptian army, along with the police, had managed to accomplish what in the morning seemed like mission impossible: it forcibly cleared all the protesters from Rabaa al-Adawiya Square in eastern Cairo. Earlier, the army cleared the smaller A-Nahda Square, facing Cairo University in the heart of the Egyptian capital. However, the price of the evacuation of the larger square was heavy, perhaps even too heavy, for the fledgling government.
According to the Muslim Brotherhood, during the evacuation of tens of thousands of demonstrators in Rabaa al-Adawiya Square, 2,600 people were killed. Even if that number is wildly exaggerated, several hundred people were killed in clashes with the army and police.
Thus, Defense Minister Abdel Fattah el-Sissi emerged victorious in the battle, and evacuated in relatively short order the Muslim Brotherhood demonstrators. But the campaign is far from over.
The best evidence for this is the resignation of Muhammed ElBaradei, the provisional vice-president, and the criticism from key political figures who supported the ouster of the Muslim Brotherhood just a month and a half ago.
Public support for the military is also expected to wane in the wake of “Black Wednesday.”
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It is difficult to determine at this stage how this will affect the stability of the new government. Egypt, after the overthrow of president Mohammed Morsi, remains dependably unpredictable.
Interior Minister Muhammad Ibrahim reported Wednesday night that 43 Egyptian policemen, including 18 officers, were killed in the battles in Cairo. This underlines that at least some of the Muslim Brotherhood members were armed; the army published some of their pictures.
The big question now is how the Muslim Brotherhood will react after this first battle ended in military defeat. It is doubtful that the movement intends to alter its plan to keep demonstrating.
But most of the movement’s leadership is locked up, and the wave of arrests is expanding. If those leaders who remain free choose to continue the clashes, they are condemning Egypt to a long period of instability and bloodshed. But submission to the military’s demands may be unthinkable.
A third possibility is for the Muslim Brotherhood to choose to go back to where they were for decades — underground. This course, fraught with danger, would cancel out the political gains from a year ago. Given the manhunt the government is pursuing against them, however, it may be the least bad option.
The Muslim Brotherhood is hoping that the public will raise its voice and pressure the army to compromise, perhaps even to fire el-Sissi. But given the widespread disappointment with the movement over the last year, and Egyptians’ weariness from revolution and upheaval, it is possible that the Islamists may have to prepare patiently to better exploit another opportune moment down the road, and, at least temporarily, lower the profile of their protest.
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