Analysis

Clinton goes into battle for Morsi’s new Egypt

The secretary’s trip this weekend begins the uphill struggle to keep Cairo’s new Islamist leader out of Tehran’s strangling embrace

David Horovitz

David Horovitz is the founding editor of The Times of Israel. He is the author of "Still Life with Bombers" (2004) and "A Little Too Close to God" (2000), and co-author of "Shalom Friend: The Life and Legacy of Yitzhak Rabin" (1996). He previously edited The Jerusalem Post (2004-2011) and The Jerusalem Report (1998-2004).

Late last month, even as the votes that assured Mohammed Morsi’s election were being counted, Iran claimed that Egypt’s incoming president had vowed to boost ties with Tehran. “It is part of my agenda,” Morsi was reported to have said in an interview with Iran’s semi-official news agency, the unreliable and well-named FARS.

Morsi denied ever giving the interview.

Ten days ago, Iran declared that Morsi would be going to August’s conference of the Non-Aligned Movement in Tehran. Iran’s Foreign Minister Ali Akbar Salehi said he hoped the visit would strengthen ties between the two countries and lead to an upgrading of their diplomatic relations, with the re-opening of their embassies and an exchange of ambassadors.

The Saudis were delighted by Morsi’s visit. Delighted, too, was the United States. His preference for the Saudis over the Iranians on trip number one was regarded in Washington as a first intimation that the Muslim Brotherhood president understands where Egypt’s best interests lie.

Morsi’s office denied the travel plans.

Instead, late last week, Morsi chose Saudi Arabia as the destination for his highly symbolic first foreign trip since succeeding Hosni Mubarak. Saudi Arabia, where he knew the leadership would want to discuss Iran, its territorial and ideological rapaciousness, and especially the threat posed by its nuclear program.

The Saudis were delighted by the visit, even though Morsi was seeking their financial assistance as he begins to grapple with Egypt’s dire economic difficulties. They regarded it as a signal of Egyptian readiness to begin to heal strained bilateral relations. Morsi was awarded lavish receptions and top-level meetings. “By choosing the kingdom for his first visit abroad,” wrote Yousuf Al Kuwailet, editor of the Saudi al-Riyadh newspaper, “Morsi recognizes that the two countries are the pillars of Arab national security.”

Delighted, too, was the United States. Morsi’s preference for the Saudis over the Iranians on trip number one was regarded in Washington as a first intimation that the Muslim Brotherhood president understands where Egypt’s best interests lie.

An intimation, mind. A signal. Not definitive proof. But more than enough for Secretary of State Hillary Clinton to confirm her plans to travel to Egypt, as she did this weekend, to meet with Morsi and conditionally promise him Washington’s continued support.

When Egypt’s revolutionaries were bringing down its long-time ally Mubarak last year, the US chose to indicate empathy with them. It should have anticipated, as Jerusalem did but Washington may not have, that the consequence of the revolution would be a Muslim Brotherhood electoral conquest. Having opted not to seek to prevent the Brotherhood’s rise to power, Clinton on Saturday began the uphill struggle to keep Egypt’s new Islamist leader out of the strangling embrace of Iran.

Her deputy, Bill Burns, prepared the trip last week, delivering a message from President Barack Obama. The US administration, it was made clear to Morsi, regards him as having been democratically elected. It regards his leadership as legitimate. It believes Morsi has many vital decisions to make, and it wants to encourage him  to make smart ones in keeping with Egypt’s international interests.

Morsi did his bit Saturday, publicly expressing his pleasure that the secretary was visiting, even as large pro-Muslim Brotherhood crowds were massed outside her hotel, chanting anti-American slogans.

The US can be of real economic assistance to Egypt, Clinton told her host on Saturday. It can help Egypt in negotiations with the International Monetary Fund, provide ongoing direct financial assistance, encourage private investment, and promote private job-creation initiatives.

And were Morsi to prove more moderately inclined than his Muslim Brotherhood heritage would suggest — if that is, and it’s a big if, he continues to fend off Iran’s bear hug — Washington wants to maintain its long-standing security relationship with Cairo.

For now though, in these early days of the new Egyptian presidency, Clinton is doing some signaling of her own. During her talks with Morsi, she doubtless issued a firm reminder that the US sees Egypt’s international interests as emphatically including both maintaining the peace treaty with Israel, and bringing enhanced security to the Sinai.

Just in case he missed the point, it was no coincidence that her travel itinerary moved the secretary from Egypt to Israel. The US overtures to this fragile and unpredictable new Egypt, Washington was making clear, were not being made at Israel’s expense. They were being made in good part in Israel’s cause.

Clinton brushed away a question Saturday about possible meetings between Morsi and Israeli leaders. Israel might long for warmer ties with Egypt, and might regard Morsi’s ascendancy as the killer blow to any such hopes. But as long as he isn’t jetting off to meet, pose and spout vitriol with the leaders of Iran, the US is plainly prepared to give Morsi time.

 

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