Trump’s plan to relocate Gazans stuns the region, faces serious obstacles
Palestinians view calls to move them elsewhere as ‘ethnic cleansing’ and US Arab allies also reject any population transfer; proposal could upset ongoing hostage-ceasefire deal

US President Donald Trump’s stunning proposal to forcibly transfer hundreds of thousands of Palestinians out of the Gaza Strip and develop it as a tourist destination faces major obstacles.
The Palestinians and many others view such plans as ethnic cleansing, an attempt to drive them from their homeland after 15 months of war between Israel and the Palestinian terror group Hamas rendered much of it uninhabitable. It was also seen as an attempt to liquidate their decades-long struggle for a state, which has wide international support.
Arab countries, including Egypt and Jordan — close US allies at peace with Israel — have condemned such plans and roundly rejected Trump’s suggestion that they take in more Palestinian refugees.
Saudi Arabia issued a rare overnight statement rejecting the idea of transfer and reiterating that it won’t normalize relations with Israel — a key goal of the Trump administration — without the establishment of a Palestinian state including Gaza.
The proposal also risks undermining the ceasefire in Gaza and the continued release of hostages abducted from Israel on October 7, 2023, when Hamas led thousands of terrorists in a devastating attack on Israel that killed 1,200 people, mostly civilians, and triggered the war.
Trump has claimed credit for brokering the truce, but its future is now more uncertain.
The Palestinians don’t want to leave
Palestinians view Gaza as an integral part of their national homeland and aspire to an independent state in Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem, territories Israel captured in the 1967 Six Day War. Israel has annexed East Jerusalem, seeing the unified city as its capital, a move unrecognized by most countries in the world. During his first term, Trump recognized Jerusalem as Israel’s capital and moved the US embassy there.

Most of Gaza’s population are descendants of refugees from the 1948 war surrounding Israel’s creation, when hundreds of thousands of Palestinians fled or were driven out of what is now Israel as five Arab armies moved to destroy the nascent Jewish State.
The Palestinian Authority’s ambassador to the United Nations, Riyad Mansour, suggested that if Trump’s goal is to send the Palestinians to a “happy, nice place,” they should return to their ancestral homes in Israel.
Both Hamas, which seeks Israel’s destruction, and the Western-backed Palestinian Authority, which recognizes Israel and cooperates with it on security, have vehemently condemned Trump’s proposal.
Arab countries will not accept Palestinian refugees
Egypt and Jordan, which made peace with Israel decades ago, have repeatedly rejected previous proposals to resettle Palestinians within their borders.
They too fear that Israel would never allow the Palestinians to return and that a mass influx of Palestinian refugees would once again destabilize the region, as it did in the decades after 1948 when it was a key factor in Lebanon’s civil war and the First Lebanon War with Israel. Both countries also have struggling economies that would have a hard time absorbing large numbers of refugees.
Trump suggested that wealthy Gulf countries could pay to resettle the Palestinians, but that appears unlikely.

Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar have joined Egypt and Jordan in rejecting any transfer plans, and the Saudis repudiated the plan almost immediately.
The Saudi statement reiterated remarks made in September by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, who said Saudi Arabia would not normalize relations with Israel without the creation of a Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital.
The kingdom said its “unwavering position is non-negotiable and not subject to compromises.”
Trump has leverage, but so do Mideast leaders
Trump seems to relish using tariffs, sanctions and aid cutoffs to pressure allies and adversaries alike and could apply economic pressure on countries like Egypt and Jordan, which have long relied on American aid.
But those countries have levers of their own in the face of what they see as a major threat to their national security. And wealthy Gulf countries, which have also historically provided aid to Egypt and Jordan, could help cushion any economic blow.
Egypt has already warned that any mass transfer of Palestinians into the Sinai Peninsula bordering Gaza could undermine its peace treaty with Israel — a cornerstone of regional stability and American influence for nearly a half-century.
Egypt and Qatar have also served as key mediators with Hamas in the talks that led to the ceasefire, and both are working with Trump’s Mideast envoy, Steve Witkoff, to try to extend it.

Israelis welcome the plan, but hostages are a priority
The idea of mass transfer has historically been confined to the far-right in Israel, but on Wednesday, mainstream leaders said Trump’s plan was worth considering.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, at the press conference with Trump, acknowledged that “jaws drop” when the US president proposes unorthodox ideas, but then “people scratch their heads and they say, ‘You know, he’s right.'”
Benny Gantz, a centrist politician and former general long seen as a more moderate alternative to Netanyahu, said Trump’s proposal showed “creative, original and intriguing thinking,” and should be studied alongside other war goals, “prioritizing the return of all the hostages.”
Opposition leader Yair Lapid, a fierce critic of Netanyahu who has voiced support for a two-state solution in the past, did not object to the idea. Instead, he said in an interview with local media that it was too early to react to Trump’s proposal since there are no concrete details and that returning the hostages was most important.
The current phase of the Gaza ceasefire, in which Hamas is to release 33 hostages in exchange for hundreds of Palestinian prisoners, some of whom were convicted of deadly terror attacks on Israelis, ends in early March. The second phase, in which the remaining 60 or so hostages would be freed in exchange for more prisoners, is being negotiated.
Hamas has said it will not release the remaining hostages without an end to the war and a full Israeli withdrawal — which would likely preclude any forcible transfer.

Israel’s far-right Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, who supports what he refers to as the “voluntary emigration” of large numbers of Palestinians and the reestablishment of Jewish settlements in Gaza, has threatened to leave Netanyahu’s coalition if he doesn’t resume the war after the first phase, which would likely lead to early elections. He welcomed Trump’s proposal.
The resumption of the war would put the remaining hostages’ lives at risk, and there’s no guarantee it would eliminate Hamas, which still controls most of Gaza. It would also undo what Trump has portrayed as a major accomplishment and further delay any normalization with Saudi Arabia.
An opening gambit?
There’s another possibility: That Trump’s proposal is an opening gambit in a bargaining process aimed at eventually securing the kind of Middle East mega-deal he says he is seeking.
It was only last week that Trump was threatening major tariffs against Canada and Mexico, America’s two biggest trading partners, before putting them on hold after their leaders took steps to appease his concerns about border security and drug trafficking.
During his first term, Trump flirted with the possibility of Israel annexing parts of the West Bank before the idea was shelved as part of a normalization agreement with the United Arab Emirates.
Trump could ultimately pare down his proposal or put it on hold in exchange for concessions from Arab leaders, perhaps on Gaza’s reconstruction or on normalization with Israel — though the Saudi statement appeared to rule that out.
There could be more clarity when the shock wears off, and when Trump meets with Jordan’s King Abdullah II at the White House next week.